Dominicans in South Florida |
MIDDLE-CLASS DOMINICANS IN SOUTH FLORIDA by Dr. Carol Hoffman-Guzman We [Dominicans] are all over. We just don't have a sign on our foreheads. We are fighters. We are not waiting to be recognized. (Katia, non-profit agency director) Dominicans - invisible in South Florida. Many people in South Florida are not aware that Dominicans constitute the fifth largest Hispanic group in Miami (23,475 according to 1990 Census figures, and possibly double or triple that figure today -- see Y. Colon, Miami Herald, 1999 ). Events in the local and national Dominican community rarely make headlines in the Miami Herald or El Nuevo Herald. While some Dominicans are pleased that their South Florida community has not received the negative publicity given to Dominicans in New York, others lament their invisibility and related lack of power in South Florida. Amidst the brightly colored people-scape of Miami-Dade and its adjacent counties, Dominican Americans are consistently undercounted and overlooked, especially in comparison to their Dominican counterparts in New York City or the Cubans in Miami. Dominicans are statistically lumped into the general category of "other Hispanics," and, in census documents, Dominicans are listed among Central and South Americans. Yet, according to some experts, Miami and South Florida have become the preferred middle-class choice for residency, employment, and entrepreneurship among Dominican migrants (Guarnizo 1997, Kerner 1992). Relatively little statistical or ethnographic data has been written by scholars about Dominicans in South Florida. Most prior research on Dominican immigrants has been done among the lower-class Dominicans in New York City or the eastern seaboard. Most migrant research in South Florida, on the other hand, has been completed among the Cuban, Haitian, or Central American communities. This lack of material on Dominicans in South Florida occurs in municipal documents, scholarly material, and the popular media. The survey of middle-class Dominicans in South Florida. The sample of Dominicans for this paper included 66 individuals who are self-recognized as middle-class and live in areas from south Miami-Dade to north Broward County. The sample is evenly divided between male and female and has an age range from 25 to 65. Of this group, 68.2% are married, 16.7% divorced, 7.5% single, 3.0 widowed, and 4.6% gay or lesbian. Dominicans in South Florida. The Dominican "community" of Miami-Dade, Broward, and Palm Beach Counties differs significantly from the more well-known, poetically nicknamed "Quisqueya Heights" in Manhattan. In New York, New Jersey and other eastern seaboard communities, most Dominican immigrants have come from the lower and working classes. In South Florida and Miami, however, there are two distinct influxes of Dominican immigrants: 1. upper-middle- and upper-class Dominicans who have immigrated directly to Miami (20.9% in my study), and 2. a variety of other classes of Dominicans, mostly lower-middle and lower, who initially came to northeast areas, worked their way up into the middle class, and now have resettled in the more culturally and climatically friendly area of South Florida (65.7%). The remaining 13.4% in South Florida emigrated initially to other areas, including Puerto Rico, before resettling in Miami. Class and socio-economic level of South Florida's Dominicans. In South Florida Dominican-American residents are scattered throughout a three-county area of Miami-Dade, Broward and Palm Beach. Although Miami has one recognized Dominican neighborhood, Allapattah, which is sandwiched between four other low-income areas, only 12.9% of Miami's Dominicans live there (per the 1990 census). Over one half (58.62%) live in middle-class or higher-income residential areas. South Florida's Dominican leaders repeatedly emphasize the size and uniqueness of their middle-class immigrant community. "Miami is basically one of middle-class Dominicans -- professionals who come not only from the Dominican Republic, but also from New York, Boston, New England. They get a little bit of progress, then they come here" (Rafael, local community leader, 1999). Various writers and community analysts have stated that the Dominicans in Miami are, in general, of a higher social and economic class than Dominicans in New York; their evidence, however, is primarily anecdotal (Guarnizo 1997b, Kerner 1992, Castro 1998). For my survey of Dominicans in South Florida, I interviewed 66 individuals who were in the middle-class or higher, either in the Dominican Republic or later in the United States. Of these respondents, the largest number came originally from the lower class in the Dominican Republic (24 or 36.4%); but there are also significant numbers from the middle, upper-middle and upper classes. However, after settlement in the United States, none of these Dominican still remain in the lower class and only two are in the upper class. In other words, the Dominicans in this group have gravitated toward the middle classes, even from the higher classes. In the survey today, 63.6% are solidly middle-class, with another 33.3% in the upper-middle or lower-middle classes. _________________________________________________________________ Table 1. Class of Dominicans in South Florida survey Class (self-determined) Dom Rep. % Miami % Upper 10 15.2 2 3.0 Upper-middle 14 21.2 15 22.7 Middle-middle 9 13.6 42 63.6 Lower-middle 9 13.6 7 10.6 Lower 24 36.4 0 0 TOTAL 66 66 _________________________________________________________________ This purported growth of the Dominican middle-class in South Florida, however, has not yet been statistically substantiated. The 1990 U.S. Census data shows that the average annual Dominican income in Miami-Dade County was $15,094. This compares with an average income of $29,939 for all individuals in Metro-Dade County, $23,915 for Hispanics, and $19,540 for Puerto Ricans (a group often compared with Dominicans). Local Dominicans respond to these figures by arguing that a significant increase in middle-class Dominican population occurred after the 1990 census, when there was a large influx due to a severe economic crisis on the island. (In a possible reflection of this influx, my sampling of middle-class Dominicans shows that 32 out of the 67 informants or nearly 50% [47.8%] have arrived in South Florida since the 1990 census.) Professions. Middle-class Dominicans in the South Florida survey represent a wide range of professions. These professions may differ from people's original training or background in the Dominican Republic, either because their skills do not translate well into the American job market or because they discovered more lucrative forms of employment. Although educated people in the Dominican Republic are often expected to go into the traditional "professional" fields (doctor, lawyer, engineer, architect), in the United States many Dominicans have instead pursued the available opportunities. "For the middle class in Santo Domingo, the choices are clear. There is not much chance of advancing into the higher social levels, at least not within a short time period. One MIGHT be able to make good money -- however, the chances and opportunities for financial success are better in the U.S." (professional in the medical field) In the South Florida survey, only 16.4% work into classic professional fields. Nearly 50% of the repsondents chose fields related to entrepreneurial business, management or the social service/public administration area (46.2%). An additional 27.0% chose traditionally less prestigious fields such as sales, secretary, teacher, journalism, and technology. One prior professional now works in a blue-collar job. _________________________________________________________________ Table 2. Professions of Dominicans in South Florida survey Profession, occupation # % Public Admin., Human Svcs. 11 16.7 Professional, clergy 11 16.7 Entrepreneurs, Arts 10 15.2 Management 9 13.6 Sales, Real Estate. 6 9.1 Secretarial 4 6.1 Journalism 4 6.1 Education 4 6.1 Government, Dom 3 4.6 Technology. 2 3.0 Owner, corp. 1 1.5 Blue collar 1 1.5 TOTAL 66 _________________________________________________________________ Although South Florida Dominicans often experienced initial hardships and struggles, many are now satisfied with their achievements. One Dominican shared a sentiment that others have expressed about career opportunities in the United States: "Here you can be whatever you want to be. You even have the freedom to screw up. It's a wide open society. If you want to be good, you can be the best. That's what I did with my business. . . even though I have an accent" (owner of publishing company). Where do these middle-class Dominicans live? Although Miami has one concentrated Dominican neighborhood, Allapattah, which is located northwest of the downtown area, none of the survey respondents live there. Most middle-class and upwardly mobile Dominicans seek out other areas that offer a better lifestyle than Allapattah, which is basically an inner-city, low-income community. Dominicans in the survey are live primarily in areas of single-family homes or low-rise, gated condominiums. These areas also attract other middle and upper-middle-class Hispanics, Anglos, African-Americans, and English-speaking Islanders. Certain pockets of Dominican residency were observed, however, particularly in the western areas of Miami-Dade County, which stretch for nearly 40 miles along the edge of the Everglades. Some Dominicans in South Florida have chosen to live in Broward County, even though they may work in Miami-Dade County. Broward has less crime, poverty, and population density. "When I came to South Florida, I thought it was Cuban town USA. But there's a vast difference between Miami and Broward. There is a sizable number of Hispanics in Broward. In Hollywood 17% of the population (126,000) are Hispanic. 5,000 are Dominicans. They are coming from New York, Santo Domingo and Miami . . . . From the northeast, they come to South Florida because they can't depend on a factory job. Business-minded. And a wave of professionals from Santo Domingo." (Dominican in public administration) _________________________________________________________________ Table 3. Location of Dominicans in South Florida survey LOCATION OF MIDDLE-CLASS DOMINICANS IN SURVEY NEIGHBORHOOD # % South - 20 30.3 Cutler Ridge area 5 SWDade, Kendell 15 West - 18 27.3 W. Miami-Dade 2 Doral 4 Hialeah 9 NW Miami Dade 3 North - 10 15.2 N. Miami-Dade,OpaL 4 NE Miami-Dade 5 N. Central Miami 1 Central, east - 6 9.1 Allapattah 0 Coral Gables 4 Miami Beach 2 Unspecified. Dade - 5 7.5 Broward - 7 10.6 TOTAL 66 _________________________________________________________________ Periods of migration to the United States and South Florida. In the past, Miami and South Florida have not been primary ports-of-entry for Dominicans. Instead, most Dominicans have migrated to cities on the east coast of the United States. Only in more recent years has South Florida become attractive to larger number of Dominicans. In this survey, nearly 47% have come since 1990, and nearly 75% have come since 1980. Of the 66 Dominican interviewed, 15 or 22.7% came directly to Miami. Of these 15, one woman's family came during the Trujillo regime in 1961, then returned to Santo Domingo, and finally re-migrated in the 1990's for economic reasons. The rest came for economic reasons, with five in the 1970's, three in the 1980's and, and six in 1990-91 (the economic crisis). Of the remaining 52 South Florida respondents, 46 or 69.9% of the total respondents moved first to the Eastern seaboard (43 to New York City). The other six moved to Atlanta, Texas, Indiana, Puerto Rico and Detroit. Of the 46 who moved to the eastern seaboard, 19 moved there partly because of political reasons (Trujillo, the 1965 insurgency, or Balaguer). The rest moved because of economic reasons or because their family had brought or sent them. _________________________________________________________________ Table 4a. Ports of entry Initial port of entry # % New York 38 57.6% Miami, S. Florida 14 21.2% Other Eastern cities 4 6.1% Other U.S. areas 4 6.1% Puerto Rico 4 6.1% NA 2 3.0% total 66 Table 4b. Migration dates for South Florida Dominicans Date of entry to U.S. # % 1950's 4 6.1% 1960's 25 37.9% 1970's 14 21.2% 1980's 13 19.7% 1990's 8 12.1% NA, unknown 2 3.0% Total 66 Date migrated to Miami 1950's 0 0 1960's 1 1.5% 1970's 15 22.7% 1980's 18 27.3% 1990's 32 48.5% NA, unknown 1 1.5% Total 66 _________________________________________________________________ Table 5. Migration information on South Florida Dominican survey Port of entry dates reason class in D.R. Eastern seaboard 1964 or earlier - 13 19 - political, other upper - 6 1965-1977 - 18 24 - only economic u-mid - 7 1978-1985 - 7 mid - 4 1986-present - 5 l-mid - 8 lower - 18 ________________________________________________________________ Other US locations 1964 or earlier - 1 4 - political, other upper - 1965-1977 - 3 3 - only economic u-mid - 2 1978-1985 - 2 mid - 3 1986-present - 1 l-mid - 2 lower - _________________________________________________________________ Miami 1964 or earlier -1 1 - political upper - 4 1965-1977 - 4 14 - only economic u-mid - 5 1978-1985 - 3 mid - 4 1986-present - 7 l-mid - 0 lower - 2 _________________________________________________________________ n/a - 1 born in U.S., moved to Dom. Rep. n/a _________________________________________________________________ Reasons for migration to the United States and South Florida. Some of the Dominicans in the South Florida survey have migrated and re-migrated to the United States, and many have multiple or sequential reasons for migration. Although economic necessity and political instability have undoubtedly exerted an effect on initial migration and settlement choices, I argue that middle-class opportunities have played an equally significant role in encouraging and re-directing the migration paths of Dominican in South Florida. The reasons given for relocation to South Florida are usually different than initial reasons for migration: · To be closer to the Dominican Republic · To have a climate similar to their homeland · To be in a more Hispanic environment Dominicans who came directly from the Dominican Republic have motives of economic opportunity, increased professional resources, and personal advancement. Security and opportunities for children were also important motives for relocation to South Florida. _________________________________________________________________ Table 6. South Florida survey - the reasons/motives given for primary migration, as related to five-year periods _________________________________________________________________ Five-year period political opportunities, social problems Move Total economic repression W/Fam Reasons reasons _________________________________________________________________ Trujillo 1965war pushes pulls father or class, Balaguer from DR from US family society _________________________________________________________________ 1959 or earlier 1 1 1 1 1 2 7 1960-64 8 3 4 5 3 10 33 1965-69 0 7 2 6 1 1 12 29 1970-74 1 1 2 5 5 14 1975-1979 1 6 2 2 7 18 1980-84 1 3 1 2 6 13 1985-1989 2 5 3 10 1990-1994 5 7 1 4 7 24 1995-2000 n/a ___________________________________________________________________________ total answers 10 13 16 38 6 13 52 148 ___________________________________________________________________________ total political - 23 total economic 54 total social 19 52 % of total 15.5% 36.5 12.8% 35.1% 99.9% answers ___________________________________________________________________________ For those Dominicans who came directly from the Dominican Republic, the economic crisis of the late 80's and early 90's was usually the precipitating factor. During this time, the middle-class was threatened with losing much of what they had gained in preceding years. Other middle-class Dominicans realized that the opportunities were not available over there for college-educated professionals. Moreover, careers and jobs were restricted by favoritism toward family and friends. "The professional only can get to a certain level unless they know somebody" (Dominican in a lower class). "I felt like drowning. Nothing happened unless I pull some strings or went on the side" (Dominican in a higher class). "There the opportunities were very limited. Financially, we weren't starving, we weren't missing anything. But. . . I wanted to pursue my dream." (executive in a new and rising cybernet firm). "No electricity. The shortage of everything. One day I needed some milk for my baby -- no milk. There was no flour in the country -- no bread. Why am I taking this, when there's a better life somewhere else?" (woman educated in Europe). Upon relocation to South Florida, many Dominicans have able to meet career expectations that were thwarted elsewhere. One recent immigrant entrepreneur from Santo Domingo comments: "The freedom, the opportunity that society offers. The tools that society gives you. You can be what ever you want to be. Tools like the telephone system, education, police protection, opening a business, the highways." Differences between New York and Miami. Some writers and community analysts have stated that, in general, the Dominicans in South Florida are different and of a higher economic class than Dominicans in New York. Their evidence for this difference, however, is primarily anecdotal and informal (Castro 1998). South Florida Dominicans themselves disagree about the differences between New York and Miami: "The Dominican that goes to New York is a different Dominican. Here we look for more tranquility. Our children can study for a career. The values. In New York, they go for money, not to live, not for peaceful life, not for a productive life. They look for money and then go back." (engineering professional) "There isn't much difference in Miami and New York. They are citizens living in two different cultures. They have to adjust themselves into the society [where they live])." (Dominican in travel industry) "Originally the Dominicans who came to Miami were from a different class. Those who came to New York were from the lower class. They needed a job. Here in Miami, there were not the industrial jobs. At first, not many [upper class] came here to live, maybe to buy a second house, on a vacation, to shop." (educator) Who are their friends? Most respondents gave more than one answer. The most frequent answer was "other Dominicans" (70.2%), followed by family (44.8%). Another 43.3% mentioned Dominican associations; however, I question this figure because relatively few Dominicans actually participate in such associations. It has been estimated that only about 200 Dominicans, out of 40,000 to 60,000 (depending on one's estimates), are actively involved in Dominican associations. One third of the Dominicans mentioned that they have a mixed group of friends and that they associate frequently with people in their own professions. Many Dominicans seem to enjoy a certain degree of freedom in living in mixed neighborhoods, having a diversity of friends, and experiencing a certain anonymity. "I had been very independent since I was a small kid. It bothered me that I was always the son of _____, not myself. I have my own DNA" (executive in legal field). "My family loves me so much that they wanted to live my life. I'm an only child. That's one of the reasons I moved. I needed to be by my own" (professional in media). ___________________________________________________________________________ Table 7. Who are your friends and associates? (Most people gave more than one answer) ___________________________________________________________________________ ANSWERS # ___________________________________________________________________________ Other Dominicans 47 Family 30 Dom. Associations 29 Mixed, including Anglos 25 Job, professional groups 22 Hispanics 10 Church, synagogue 9 Interest groups, sports 4 Politics, political party 3 No groups or friends 3 Total # of answer 182 ___________________________________________________________________________ Of the Dominicans I interviewed in South Florida, most do not want to be associated with traditional Dominican political parties or organizations. Only 4.5% were involved in politics related to the Dominican Republic. "I don't get involved in politics. I keep my opinion to myself. . . . " (social services director). Part of the complaint about Dominican associations is the divisiveness and friction that occurs between different groups. "I'm not a member of any association. Once you get involved in a group, there's all this fighting. In-fighting" (export business). Commitment to the Dominican community. Some Dominicans have complained about a lack of solidarity among South Florida's Dominicans. For a few respondents, "solidarity" seems to mean that Dominicans should stick together and work together in diaspora. "There are two kinds of Dominicans. Everybody is Dominican. But not all are Quisqueyans. Not all are willing to fight for their country's foundation" (an entrepreneur who has been in the United States since 1965). But many South Florida Dominicans complain that the existing opportunities for unity (parties and associations) are too political, too narrow in focus, and fizated in the homeland. "When you are affiliated with a party, I don't feel your judgment will be accurate. . . . There's always some friction" (physician). "There's a lot of big fish trying to eat little fish. It's just 'ME! ME! ME! - I don't want to recognize anyone else.' It is not only in the Dominican community, but in other groups. We're worse than the Haitians. . . . " (a woman entrepreneur) "Everybody wants to be a caudillo, but not everybody can," comments one community activist, who would like to see all the Dominicans come together under one umbrella and work for some general cause. But, instead, there are too many caudillos here in South Florida -- too many little commando units and not enough unity. "If we can get together, we can help the community here. [No Dominican group] gets more than 50 people. It's a block, cut into a lot of pieces. One step up, a half step down. It's like chess, one move forward, two moves in the opposite direction. It's not good. "Instead of working together to help Dominicans be better, [it's just] they themselves, with the owner of the group, and maybe with only five followers. It was different in New York. A group would start and grow and grow and grow." (a member of several associations) Some Dominicans in South Florida retaliate against this divisiveness by keeping to themselves and not getting involved. In a recently self-published book on Florida's Dominicans, Heriberto Marte suggests by his title that such Dominicans are como lobos, "like wolves." This term is used somewhat disparagingly by one of Marte's interviewees to criticize those Dominicans who appear to lead self-centered and isolated lives. Although my research in the South Florida indicates a certain isolation and individualism among the Dominicans, I will argue that these middle-class Dominicans are not lone wolves. Most South Florida Dominicans are just working too hard to be involved. I argue instead that, among these middle-class Dominicans, new and intriguing models of transnational dominicanidad and identidad are being constructed, examined, and reconfigured. Some Dominicans in South Florida also wish that more of their compatriots would become involved in local American communities. "They should be citizens of the United States. Think -- come two or three years, the only way to get power here is to be a citizen and vote, like in New York. People are looking for the Dominican vote now. If we don't get it the vote, we're on trouble." South Florida is becoming "home" to many Dominicans. As the migration time away from home lengthens, an increased re-embedding and re-attachment kicks in. Over one third of the survey respondents comment that their "home" (at least for the present) is in South Florida or Miami. However, many respondents gave two or more answers about their "home," because there are different meanings of "home." ___________________________________________________________________________ Table 8a. South Florida Dominicans and "home" ___________________________________________________________________________ Perceived "home" people often gave 2+ answers ___________________________________________________________________________ Dominican Rep. 26 Miami, So. Florida 37 Other U.S. location 4 United States 4 Many, other 5 D.R. & here, 2 homes 23 Total # of answers 99 ___________________________________________________________________________ ___________________________________________________________________________ Table 8b. Differences between "home" in U.S. and Dominican Republic ___________________________________________________________________________ Miami or the United States Dominican Republic ___________________________________________________________________________ Now In the past or future Material home Spiritual, cultural or emotional home Home achieved by hard work, time Home received from family, culture New memories and relationships Old memories and relationships Reality Dreams, hopes, sentiments ___________________________________________________________________________ Some respondents still think about returning to the Dominican Republic, as is often the dream of Dominicans abroad. Some say they would return home -- IF there were more job opportunities and better services, and IF they have saved enough money. Although many respondents continue to visit and take vacations back home, they don't expect to move back because of several reasons: * My job, career, home is here * I've changed too much; I like American lifestyle, amenities, services * I have too many personal ties in U.S. * My children or spouse not interested in returning * Little or no family ties remaining in the D.R. Miami and South Florida -- more friendly to Dominicans? The arrival of on-going migrants into Miami has transformed Miami's ethnic make-up, with 1992 Miami-Dade figures showing 49.2% Hispanics, 30.3% White/non-Hispanics, and 19.5% Blacks (Metro-Dade Planning Department). Because of the predominant immigrant population, the assimilation process often seems to be reversed in Miami, with economic and political assimilation preceding or concurrent with linguistic and cultural adaptation (Portes and Stepick 1993). Miami is a place where migrants can retain their culture while still actively participating in the local American social and economic scene (Taylor and Lambert 1996). Although Dominicans do not have an enclave or strong political toehold here, Miami is viewed by many Dominican residents as a friendly environment, not as cold and hostile as New York (Juan Flores, 178, 1997). Identity of South Florida's Dominicans. Nearly 90% of the people interviewed in the survey listed their identity as "Dominican"; 22.4% said Dominican-American or Americanized Dominican. Many were fiercely proud about their dominicanidad. Only four people said they were "American." The term "Dominican-American" was usually used by those people who had lived for a long time in the United States or who had come at a young age. Some long-time residents, however, still said that they are "Dominican." ___________________________________________________________________________ Table 9. Dominican identity in South Florida. ___________________________________________________________________________ How one identities oneself persons % of 66 interviewed* ___________________________________________________________________________ Dominican 59 89.4 Dominican American, Americanized Dominican 17 25.8 Latin, Hispanic 9 13.6 Bicultural, multi-cultural 9 13.6 Flexible, adapt or change per situation 7 10.6 Human, of the world, etc. 6 9.1 American 4 6.1 Spanish, other European origin 3 4.6 Afro-Caribbean, Haitian, black roots 3 4.6 Taino 1 1.5 Don't know, confused 1 1.5 Two or more answers 32 48.5 *percentages don't add up to 100% because some people gave 2 or more answers ___________________________________________________________________________ For many Dominicans in the survey, Miami is a place where you can choose not only your career, but also your identity. Note: 48.5% of the people gave two or more identities for themselves. Several people said that they had different identities or roles for different situations and for different advantages. Two people said that they could turn it "off and on"; one saw himself as an "actor." Two people said that it was important as a parent to teach children when to be Dominican and when to be American -- just like it was important to have two or more languages. Several people felt that Dominicans were skilled in having several identities because of historical or cultural reasons. Several people said that it wasn't necessary to "wear" or "flash" their Dominican identity. Additional identities mentioned by people included "Hispanic" and "Latin." These terms were used most by people who had lived in the eastern seaboard or in the northern United States. Some people felt an attachment to various ancestral roots: Afro-Caribbean, European, Spanish, French, Black, Haitian, Taino, or Arab/turco. Several people saw their identity as being above a nationality, i.e., a person, human, international, a family of migrants, or global. Some people felt that their identity was also associated with their "class." In other words, some people identified more with people who had a certain education and background, regardless of nationality. Flexible and hybrid identities prove helpful in South Florida, claim some Dominicans. New networks flourish. Most of the people interviewed have become used to the idea that they were bicultural, not just "Dominican"-- a combination of different cultures. Many people saw "biculturalism" as a positive factor in their lives. "I am bi-cultural. I don't have to eat Dominican or Latin food, but I love it. I don't have to watch Dominican TV or Channel 37. I watch Leno." (corporate executive) "I think that I was given the chance to live two lives in one. It is as if you believe in reincarnation and can remember past lives. Both identities are separate. The Fernando that was there is not the Fernando here." (educator) When comparing the answers of different people, I noticed several factors that seemed to be related to identity: the dates of, ages at and reasons for immigration; ports of entry; social, economic and cultural resources; and gender. * Dates of, ages at and reasons for immigration seemed to affect or be related to identity. For instance, people who left the Dominican Republic during the politically violent era of 1960's were more likely to claim an international (25.0%) or American identity (15.4%) than did people who emigrated after that time (8.3%). A similar trend is seen among Dominicans who were born in the 1950's (19.1% claim American identity). This may represent the same emigrating group; many people in the late teens or early twenties left around the period of the 1965 insurrection. People who came in the 1970's were slightly less likely to mention a Dominican identity (only 71.4% versus 89.4% for the whole group). This was another period of some violence and repression. * Socio-cultural reasons for emigration. People who left the Dominican Republic because they felt restricted by social mores (artistic, sexual choice, or intellectual) seemed to feel less "Dominican" (only 77.8%) and more international, American or mixed. * Economic reasons and identity. Among those people who emigrated because of positive economic advantages and opportunities inthe U.S., there was a greater emphasis on flexibility of identity. Those who specifically mentioned negative aspects of the Dominican economy, instead had a strong emphasis on an international identity. * Port of entry and identity. Immigrants entering the U.S. through South Florida placed less emphasis on their Dominican identity (only 78.5%) than did people who entered in the eastern seaboard (90.7%) or other ports (100.0%). Instead, in that South Florida group, there was a greater emphasis on identity mixes and flexibility of identity (Dominican-American, 28.5%; bi- or multi-cultural, 7.14%; and flexible identity, 14.29%). This might be surprising to a casual observer, but it correlates to the dispersion, anonymity and lack of solidarity among South Florida's Dominicans. Additionally, those who had Florida as their port of entry expressed no identification with being Latin, versus 16.8% for those entering in the eastern seaboard. This is not a surprise, either, for those who know Miami and its lack of collaboration between the different Hispanic groups, * Resources: Cultural and acquired capital. Dominicans who had a bachelors degree seemed to be more comfortable thinking of themselves as Dominican-American than those with higher degrees or less education. Those with bachelor degrees also seemed more inclined to think of themselves as having flexible and multicultural identities. Among all the professional job categories in the U.S., the managerial and educational fields placed less emphasis on a strictly Dominican identity (only 70.0% and 75.0% versus 89.4% for the whole group). * Resources -- Social, associative. Family capital. People who came alone seemed to identify only with their Dominican-ness, while those who came with or because of family had a great diversity of identification. Class. Among all the classes who came from the D.R., the middle-middle seemed to be less likely to claim a pure Dominican identity (77.8%); instead, they had a variety of identities -- perhaps because the true middle class is barely existent in the D.R.. * Gender seems to have some relation to identity reformation. Women were slightly more likely to claim an American identity than men (15.2% of the women versus 3.0% of the men). Men, on the other hand, seemed more comfortable speaking about a bicultural or flexible identity (18.2%). Effects of globalization and transnational connections. Global communication and transnational travel offer Dominicans the opportunity to explore more individualized choices of migration and identity. Ties to the Dominican Republic are never completely severed because middle-class advantages, such as e-mail, media, travel, and overseas investment, allow Dominicans to maintain continuing connections to their country. Through technology and travel, most middle-class Dominicans are as connected as they want to be -- with their homeland and families abroad, to a broader Dominican community, and to non-Dominican social and professional contacts. "Today we have a new economy, without borders. In the future, the borders were going to disappear. I think it is the time to start the economic development of the world. It will start in the United States and go to the rest of the world." (Dominican physician) On-line Dominicans in South Florida can read the major daily newspaper in Santo Domingo (http://www.listin.com.do/) and tie into South Florida monthly publication, El Sol de la Florida (http://www.elsoldelaflorida.com), without leaving their gated townhouses in Doral or trudging to a distant bodega. Recent photos of fiestas, abuelitos, and new babies are forwarded in minutes via e-mail. Phone cards are purchased cheaply at Walgreen's and Publix. Two airlines fly daily from Miami to the Dominican Republic, in less time than it takes to drive from Santo Domingo to the eastern beaches of Punta Cana. Family and friends from home constantly arrive at Miami International Airport, the so-called gateway to the Americas, on their way to Disney World, Sawgrass Mills or the Kendall suburbs. Aaaaah! Viva la Florida! |
Note: Any material quoted from this paper should be referenced according: Hoffman-Guzman, Carol. 2001. "Middle-Class Cosmopolitan Identities: Dominican Americans in South Florida," doctoral dissertation and book in progress, Florida International University. Miami, Florida. |
